Afghanistan: from 1747
The history of Afghanistan region is part of the Persian Empire. From time to time, it is linked to the northern plains of India, such as the 2nd century Kushan dynasty. Occasionally, as in the Mahmoud era of Ghazni, it has existed as a kingdom, closer to the modern boundaries of Afghanistan.
The beginning of modern Afghanistan dates back to 1747 when Nadir Shah’s army of Afghans returned home after his death. Their leader, Ahmad Khan Abdali, entered Kandahar and was elected to the Afghan king at the tribal conference. His title is Durr-i-Duran (pearl in the pearl), and his tribe’s name to Durrani.
Ahmed Shah Durrani, as he now says, learned from Nadir Shah to conquer the profession. He has used his skills for the next 25 years and is a great success. The extent of his empire fluctuates according to the constant movement of his success to protect its borders. But most of his time Agustin stretched from the north of Amu Daria to the Arabian Sea, from Herat to Punjab.
Ahmad Shah gained the title of “Baba” (meaning “father of the state”) from his people. The throne of Afghanistan remains the tribe of Ahmad Shah, although there is much controversy between his descendants until they were overthrown from Kabul in 1818.
In this case, Dost Mohammed: 1818-1838
Dost Mohammed: 1818-1838
Kabul in 1818 by the tribes of Afghanistan, Barakzai, twenty-one sons of the chief of the tribal chiefs of Dost Muhammad – the 20th, but the most powerful. The civil war with the supporters of Durrani lasted for several years until 1826, when the country was safely allocated between Dost Muhammad and some of his brothers.
Dost Mohammed gained the largest share, from Ghazni to Jalalabad, including Kabul. He was soon accepted as the country’s leader, from 1837 to obtain the official title of Amir. He was accepted by foreigners and tribes of Afghanistan.
The relationship between Afghanistan and foreign forces is now an important factor. Since the time of Peter the Great, in the early 18th century, Russia has been interested in establishing direct trade links with India. This means that a friendly or puppet regime is needed in Afghanistan. The idea of the influence of Russia in this region (only neighboring territories, easy access to the British Indian empire) inevitably sounded the alarm in London.
Dost Mohammed found himself bound by both sides. A British mission in Kabul in 1837. In the course of the discussion, the Russian envoy arrived and was received by Amir.
The United Kingdom immediately ceased negotiations and ordered the departure of Kabul. Indian Governor Auckland Justice’s reaction was potent but in very unwise circumstances. In 1838 he used this betrayal as an excuse to invade Afghanistan, intended to restore the ruler from the Durrani dynasty (Shah Shuja, from 1803 to 1809 the throne), he showed himself more malleable.
This was the first of three attempts by Britain to impose political will on Afghanistan. All three attempts proved to be catastrophic.
Two British-Arab Wars: 1838-1842 and 1878-81
In 1838 December, the British army in India to organize a battle in Afghanistan. By April 1839, after the difficult progress of the tribal guerrillas, Kandahar was captured. Here, the British puppet ruler selected sand book, in a mosque was crowned. Four months later, Kabul was taken away and Shah Shuja was again crowned.
By the end of 1840, the legitimate Amir, Dos Muhammad, was a British prisoner. He and his family were sent to India. However, the British garrison in Afghan towns found it increasingly difficult to control the proud tribes, controlling their affairs in these foreign invading weapons.
In January 1842, the British garrison of about 4,500 soldiers withdrew from Kabul, leaving the fate of Shah Shuja (he was quickly assassinated). Most retreating British and Indian soldiers were also killed when they sought to regain security in India.
The British army recaptured Kabul in the summer of 1842, more as a contemptuous gesture, not as a matter of practical policy – and then decided to restore Dos Muhammad to his throne. He returned from India in 1843, peacefully ruling for 20 years without further British intervention. He extended his territory at the end of his reign, west of Herat.
Dost Mohammed follows his third son, Sher Ali, after several years of bitter family fighting. It was Sherry Ali’s sense of inclination that Russia once again provoked hostility in England. Recalled in 1837 his father’s offensive, he welcomed the 1878 visit to Kabul in Russia, at this time even refused a British one.
In 1878 November, three British troops through the Yamaguchi into Afghanistan. They brought Jalalabad and Kandahar before the end of the year and soon seemed to have achieved what they might have hoped for. A very favorable treaty was reached in May 1879 with Yakub Khan, son of Sher Ali, who died in February.
Under the treaty, Yakub Khan accepted the permanent British Embassy in Kabul. In addition, Afghanistan’s diplomacy from now on by the United Kingdom. But the event quickly proved that such a privilege in Afghanistan could be dangerous. In September, the British Embassy in Kabul and all his staff and escorts were massacred.
The catastrophe has led to an immediate escalation of British military activity in Afghanistan, but with little political advantage. Yakubu Khan was exiled to India. In his position, the Englishman must accept Abdurrahman Khan, the grandson of Dost Muhammad’s opponent and the universal choice of the Afghan tribe as their Amir.
Abdurrahman spent ten years in exile under the control of his uncle, Sher Ali, and lost a party in the suffering family war. But his choice of exile location and the interests of the United Kingdom does not match. He has been in the Russian Empire, in Samarkand, familiar with Russian administrative methods.
In 1880, the British accepted Abdurrahman as Amir of Kabul, agreeing at the same time not to require British ambassadors residing anywhere in Afghanistan. When the British forces finally withdrew in 1881 (and helped Abdurrahman to oppose some rebellious cousins), the political success of two costly wars against Russian intervention appeared to be on the side of borrowing money. But at least Abdurrahman proved an excellent Amir.
Abdurrahman Khan and his successors: 1880-1933
Abdurrahman followed his family of three generations on the throne. He developed a model of autocratic regimes devoted to the introduction of technology and investment from more developed countries, although the violence and anarchy of Afghans often frustrated this modernization.
Abdurrahman inherited his son Habibullah Khan in 1901, who succeeded in maintaining a strictly neutral policy during the First World War. After the war, he called for international recognition of the complete independence of Afghanistan. This argument prompted Britain to intervene for the third time inefficiently in Afghanistan, although Habibullah’s son Amanullah Khan had to deal with the crisis (his father was assassinated in 1919).
The month-long battle between British and Afghan forces was uncertain and quickly led to a treaty (signed in Rawalpindi in August 1919), which recognized the independence of Afghanistan as a State. With the achievement of this goal, Amanullah accelerated a European reform plan. But in doing so he alienated the old guard. Amanullah was forced into exile during the outbreak of the 1929 civil war.
The order was restored by Amanullah’s cousin, Nadir Khan until he was assassinated in 1933. This violent act gives the throne Nadir the only surviving son, as the 19-year-old Zahir Shah.
Zahir Shar and Daud Khan: 1933-1978
In 40 years of rule, Zahir Shah cleverly promoted the interests of Afghanistan. During the world war again neutrality can be successfully maintained. In the ensuing Cold War Afghanistan, the power of a non-aligned country to benefit from the main players of both sides is gloriously displayed. The United States and the Soviet Union set up expressways and hospitals, emotionally contemplated by Zahir’s cousin and brother Daud Khan (1953’s prime minister) planned for the superpower race.
Daud Khan resigned in 1963 because of a tense relationship with Pakistan (the border closed from 1961 until his resignation). His departure prompted Zahir Shah to attempt major constitutional reforms.
The constitution, enacted in 1964, transformed Afghanistan into a constitutional monarchy in principle, to exclude royal members from political office and to provide for an executive branch to be responsible for the legislative assemblies of the two parliaments.
The elections were held in 1965 (1969). At first, the system seemed to work well, but soon there was friction between the king and the parliament. In the early 1970s, the feeling of a political impasse was exacerbated by drought (which brought about famine and 100,000 deaths) and other economic difficulties. In 1973, Dadu Khan resumed his power with almost no military support of the bloody coup. Zahir Shah in exile in Europe.
With the help of the left-wing elements of the Afghan army, Khan had regained power (now the Prime Minister of the New Republic of Afghanistan), but he still tried to maintain a central policy that relied less on the Soviet Union and the United States on broad-based foreign policy. In particular, he took measures to repair the fence with Pakistan.
But in his views on Afghan radicalism, he is moving in the direction of the old royalist party. The new constitution of 1977 promoted the role of ethics in the presidency. It also brought the so-called Cabinet, including some of his own royal relatives. As a result, in 1978, it was a violent revolution that set Afghanistan as a completely new line.
Reform and Response: 1978-1979
The moral government was overthrown by the left wing of the army (he and most of his family were killed). After the coup was completed, the officers handed over control to the two left-wing parties, the Khalq (People’s Party) and the Parcham (Banner Party). The two are a harmonious work, though only brief.
Once in government, two Khalq leaders seized power. Nur Mohammad Taraki became president and prime minister, Hafizullah Amin as one of the two deputy prime ministers. Parcham leader Babrak Karmal is another deputy prime minister, but he was soon sent to the ambassador in Prague.
At the same time, Talaki and Amin proposed a plan for a rapid reform of the communist line. Introduced women’s equal rights and redistributed land – all in contravention of Moscow’s proposal, and Moscow suggested a more cautious approach, fearful of Muslim resistance. The Parcham Party was persecuted and, in some cases, killed. Many people, including Babrak Karmal, took refuge in Russia.
Within a few months, riots erupted across the country. In March 1979, a resistance group announced a jihad or jihad against Kabul’s atheistic regime. In the same month, more than 100 Soviet citizens living in Herat were captured and killed.
At the same time, the two Hager leaders themselves are in a precarious state. In September 1979, President Tarach tried to assassinate his Prime Minister Amin. On the contrary, in two days, Karachi in Amin’s supporters hands. Three weeks later, he died – “a serious illness, according to the official announcement.
Since 1978, the Soviet presence has increased in Afghanistan – their most recent puppet state, and possibly a famous scalp in the Cold War. Now, at the end of 1979 anarchy, Moscow decided to play a more active role. December Soviet troops entered Kabul. As the British have been worried about, Russia has finally to control Afghanistan. As the British have long discovered, this is one of the most unwise ambitions.
under these circumstances,
Communist Party Prime Minister Hafezula Amin, was shot or killed in the day after the Soviet invasion. In his position, the Russians from Babak Karmal from Moscow, as their puppet rulers.
Russian rule can occupy any town, and Russian airplanes can bombard remote valleys in the interim, but once the military focus may be transferred elsewhere, the guerillas regain control of the ground. Only a safe area of Kabul a decade of destruction. Once the United States began to provide guerrillas with anti-aircraft missiles Sting, and even the Soviet air raid has become a mission.
The most notable Soviet accomplishment was unintentional to persuade the seven Afghan guerrilla groups to come together in a common cause. In 1985, these seven meetings were held in Peshawar, forming a united front as an Islamic Afghan Afghan fighter (Islamic Fighter of Afghan Unity, or IUAW). The jihadists (the same jihad as the jihad) are the latest manifestations of the fighting spirit in Afghanistan around the world.
The war between Russia and the jihadists has not only destroyed a country that is already poor. It also depopulates it. In the end, about 2 million refugees fled to Pakistan and another 1.8 million entered Iran.
When Mikhail Gorbachev took power in the Soviet Union in 1985, the vicious pain of Afghanistan was one of the pressing problems he faced. He first tried a political solution, replacing the useless Babrak Karmal with former police chief Mohammad Najibullah.
Najibullah proved to be equally ineffective in reconciling the Afghan people with the existence of the Soviet Union, and in 1988 Gorbachev decided to reduce his losses. He announced that Soviet troops would begin to withdraw troops in stages. The last battalion crossed the Amu-Friendship Bridge in February 1989 – President Najibullah tried to run a communist Afghan state with himself.
Civil War: from 1989
Contrary to expectation, Najibullah managed to maintain power for three years, holding mujaheddin. But in 1992 Kabul fell to his opponent. He promised a safe passage from the UN forces, and they demonstrated that they could not escort him out of the city. He was granted asylum in the United Nations organization in Kabul.
Immediately declare an Islamic State. Occasionally, the seven factions of the IUAW and the three Shia groups from western Afghanistan try to work harmoniously. But it was a fragile truce that broke the fratricidal war that erupted around Kabul. Often contested by guerrilla forces bombarded, trying to persist themselves. 1.5 million inhabitants (75% of the total) fled the city.
The Taliban: From 1994
In 1994, the most important groups of contemporary Afghanistan emerged with indisputable facts. In Kandahar, the mullahs of Mohammed Omar al-Ahmad (commonly known as Mullah Omar) form a group of his called Taliban, meaning “students” – in this case, the Koranic Sunni students. In the violence and turmoil in Afghanistan, the Taliban inevitably become guerrillas; and the simple message of the Taliban’s Muslim fundamentalism, in contrast to the self-interest of some other jihadists, proves a great attraction.
The Taliban are mainly recruited in the Patan and Pakistan refugee camps in the eastern part of the country, and the number and number of Taliban are increasing rapidly.
After Kandahar itself, Herat fell to the Taliban militia in September 1995, a year later, another of the country’s extreme Jalalabad. Within a few weeks of taking Jalalabad, the Taliban achieved ultimate success. They besieged Kabul for 12 months or more and were engaged in the same activities as other guerrilla groups. Now, in September 1996, it was surprising that they exploded into town.
Their first act was to go to the United Nations Organization, to seize the former President Najibullah. Within hours he and his brothers waved from a concrete structure, in the grinning tribe, at the main traffic junction of Kabul.
Ordinary citizens welcome the arrival of the Taliban, which is one of their outstanding qualities that can not be destroyed. But the ruthless imposition of Muslim fundamentalism is high.
Women are now forced not only to wear veils in public places. They are barred from working outside the home. They are denied access to education and are allowed to go shopping only with male relatives. While introducing the strictest version of the Islamic Shari’a (Islamic Shari’a). Theft of amputee’s hands, public executions and whipping.
With the fall of Kabul, the Taliban took control of about two-thirds of the country, but beyond the northern mountains of the city, there is still a strong opposition force claiming to be the Northern Alliance. It was led by members of the former government in Kabul, but there was also a tribal distinction. The Taliban region is the dominant Patan tribe (known locally as Pashtun and Pashto), and the Northern Alliance consists of Uzbeks, Turkmen, and others.
The war continued in 1996, with horrifying atrocities on both sides. In 1997, the Northern Alliance killed thousands of Taliban prisoners. When the Taliban captured Mazar-e-Sharif in 1998, they liked to mass kill thousands of Shiite Muslims in the city.
In 1998, the Taliban re-attacked Mazar-e-Sharif. This time they won more lasting control of the city, giving them now about 90% of Afghanistan.
With the achievement of this goal and the astonishment of international observers, the Taliban saw for the first time the value of compromise. In March 1999, their representatives and representatives of the Northern Alliance agreed to take the first step towards a coalition government. Without tangible results, at the beginning of the new century, the Taliban seemed to impose their extremes more strongly as a purely Islamic society. This change may have been due to increased engagement with al-Qaeda fundamentalists, who have had a profound impact on Afghanistan’s history. As a result of the al-Qaeda, the events of September 2001 brought the Taliban to an end.
Anti-Al Qaeda War
The terrorist attacks on the United States on 11 September 2001 changed the situation in Afghanistan. Washington’s direct assumption is that anger is the work of Usama bin Laden and his al Qaeda. Initially, there was widespread skepticism elsewhere, but the Bush administration was able to form a coalition after convincing enough foreign leaders, most notably Pakistan, to support the Taliban in the past.
Over the years, bin Laden has set up bases in Afghanistan and has established close ties with the Taliban leadership. Therefore, the first step of the American movement was to ask the Taliban to hand over Osama bin Laden and shut down his al Qaeda training camp.
The reaction of the Taliban leader Mullah Omar is that he can not do this – pleading without knowing where Osama bin Laden is, but there is no doubt that he is reluctant to hand over a share of his fundamentalist views to the financial support of the Taliban. The troops may be as strong as the Taliban. President Bush described the American movement as the “war on terror”, declaring that anyone who does not cooperate in the war is itself a terrorist.
The United States has been more worried than many, but on 7 October, it launched a missile attack against the Taliban and al-Qaeda targets in Afghanistan (code-named Enduring Freedom). This was the beginning of the bombing campaign that lasted until the beginning of 2002 for several weeks.
When the missiles and bombs go astray, the inevitable civilian casualties (modern war term called “collateral damage”), but in general the bombing is very accurate. Al Qaeda training camps were quickly destroyed, as did many Taliban military installations. The Taliban infantry, excavated on the ground, endured the relentless bombardment of large-scale explosives.
The natural allies of the United States, who are reluctant to send their own soldiers to ground combat, are Northern Allies, who have fought a lengthy defensive war against the Taliban in the mountains north of Kabul. Now, with the enemy eventually weakened by the US bomb, the Northern Alliance finally began to suddenly benefit.
Mazar-e-Sharif fell on Nov. 9, followed by Kabul just four days later. But it was almost a month before the Taliban’s original base and power center, Kandahar. The city finally fell on Dec. 7, but the Taliban leader Mullah Omar fled the net. The whereabouts of the second most wanted man is unknown, as is the case of Osama bin Laden, the main target.
However, it is widely believed that Osama bin Laden has withdrawn many of his al-Qaeda fighters on the eastern border with Pakistan, on the Tora Bora Hill, where he had previously tunneled a well-equipped cave as a safe haven for the Russians.
The next wave of American bombardments targeted these mountains. One by one the cave was made by the Afghan army, which now works with several American troops on the ground. A large number of Al-Qaida forces have been killed or captured. But their leader proved to be elusive of Omar Mullah. When the war disappeared, in early 2002, there were two distinct advantages. The brutal Taliban regime has been overturned. The network of Al-Qaida training camps in Afghanistan has been destroyed. But the main purpose of bringing bin Laden to justice has yet to materialize.
On the contrary, some unspecified types of retribution await the capture of many of the primary combatants in the war.
Among these prisoners, Afghans are assumed to be Taliban soldiers and are considered to be such people, who are often released or allowed to change sides by their Afghan captives. But foreigners, most of whom are Arabs, are considered members of al-Qaeda and are considered to be suspect terrorists. In a development that gave rise to widespread international attention, the plane’s planes were flown, blindfolded and handcuffed at the US military base in Guantanamo, Cuba. Here the United States intends to try them by secret military tribunals with command and enforcement powers.
At the same time, Afghanistan has returned to the hands of the factions and the warlords, and their hostility has put the Taliban into the pre-pop country for years of suffering. How to ensure a more peaceful future?
A new start?
The United Nations is leading efforts to help Afghanistan achieve a more stable political future. The factions of the country were invited to send representatives to the summit held in Königswinter, a holiday resort near Bonn. After a week of hard negotiations, arrangements were made for the interim government. It will be led by Pashtun leader Hamid Karzai. Six months from 22 December 2001. At the end of the period, a Prairie or Tribal Presbyterian meeting will be held to determine the nature of permanent administration.
As a result of a more stable recovery than anyone would like, this task can restore and rebuild a fragmented economy and provide services for millions of wars and repression of displaced Afghan refugees. But several successful assassinations of Karzai in 2002 have revealed that the situation is still dangerous.
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